Quantification in the Theory of Grammar

I: Introduction.- 1. wh-phrases as quantificational expressions.- 2. Locality.- 3. Quantificational force.- II: Subjacency and Logical Form.- 1. Introduction.- 2. wh-Movement in Japanese.- 3. Subjacency.- 3.1. The wh-Island Condition effect.- 3.2. Discourse-oriented factors.- 3.2.1. Focus.- 3.2.2. D-Linking.- 3.3. The Complex NP Constraint.- 4. ECP vs. Pied-piping.- 4.1. The ECP account.- 4.2. Arguments for the pied-piping analysis.- 4.2.1. Short answers.- 4.2.2. The scope problem.- 4.2.3. Weak Crossover.- 4.2.4. Complement structure.- 4.2.5. More on Weak Crossover.- III: The Pied-Piping Mechanism.- 1. Percolation.- 2. German relative clauses.- 3. Restrictions on percolation.- 3.1. The 'Specificity Condition' effect.- 3.2. Why: Categorial identity.- 3.3. Arguments for categorial identity.- 4. Quantifier vs. Sentential operator.- 4.1. Overview.- 4.2. Scope of naze and dooiu-riyuu-de.- 4.3. Multiple Questions.- 4.4. Prospects.- 5. Government and unselective binding.- 6. Concluding remarks.- IV: Construing wh.- 1. 'Indeterminate pronominals'.- 1.1. The problem.- 1.2. Some semantics.- 1.3. Non-adjacent cases.- 2. Unselective binding.- 2.1. Indefinite NPs.- 2.2. Inherent binding vs. External binding.- 2.3. Properties of the binding relations.- 2.3.1. Quantificational force.- 2.3.2. Selectiveness.- 2.3.3. Scopal interaction.- 2.3.4. Locality.- 2.4. Two types of binding.- 3. Unselective binding involving wh.- 4. The movement analysis.- 4.1. Movement and unselective binding.- 4.2. More movement.- 5. Adverbs of quantification.- 6. Scope interactions and QR.- 7. Concluding remarks.- V: The Case from English: The No Matter Concessive Clause.- 1. Problems.- 2. No Matter and wh..Ever constructions.- 3. Donkey sentences.- 4. No Matter as unselective binder.- 4.1. Government.- 4.2. The wh-Island Condition.- 4.3. 'Connectedness' and indirect binding.- 5. Concluding remarks.- VI: The Donkey Problem in Japanese.- 1. Weak Crossover.- 2. Donkey sentences in Japanese.- 3. Indirect binding.- 4. Restrictions on indirect binding.- 4.1. C-command.- 4.2. The wh-Island Condition effect.- 4.3. Apparent violations of Subjacency.- 4.4. Subject-object asymmetry?.- 5. Concluding remarks.